2017年1月26日 星期四
2016年12月26日 星期一
They Shook the Earth!
It happened that I encountered
some people who were obsessed with questions about jumping together. The favorite scenario was about gathering all
the people on earth and then asked them to jump together. They wanted to know whether the earth would be
moved by such momentum. Some went
further and thought that the rotation of the earth, or even the orbit of its
revolution around the sun would be affected.
We tended to brush such question
off by some common sense arguments. It
was impossible to gather so many people together. They needed to be in a relatively small area
so as to focus the momentum and not to have the forces cancelled out each
other. Not only that those people needed
to synchronize in jumping up, it would be more important for them to land at
the same time. The list could go on
forever without attacking the question head on.
However, some scientists, maybe
influenced by the famous thought experiments of Einstein,
took the question seriously. Randall
Munroe in his blog (what-if.xkcd.com) and then his book (What If?: Serious Scientific Answers to Absurd Hypothetical Questions) defined
the question: What would happen if
everyone on earth stood as close to each other as they could and jumped,
everyone landing on the ground at the same instant? In a site which claimed to fight ignorance
since 1973 (straighdope.com), a similar question was
post as early as 1986, and it involved Chinese: If every man, woman, and child in China each stood on a chair, and
everyone jumped off their chair at exactly the same time, would the earth be
thrown off its axis? In scienceblog.com, a blogger did some calculation taking into account
the mass of the earth, the mass of all the people on earth, the gravitational
field, the height that people jumped, velocity of the earth, action and reaction
forces. As I did not understand the
calculation, I could only tell you the simplified result was that there would
not be any detectable effect. The main
reason was that the mass of the earth outweighed the mass of the total
population by a factor of over ten trillion.
Randall Munroe chose to go into
more details of the jumping experiment. He
assumed that all people really gathered in Rhode Island, as he figured that it
needed an area the size of Rhode Island to accommodate all the people on earth.
He came to the same conclusion that the
earth would not be moved, though he added that there would be a loud sound
resulted from the synchronized landing of so many people. Then came his further analysis. There would be no signals for mobile phones. The people found it very difficult to leave
either by plane, by train or by car. People
did not speak a common language. There
were insufficient food and water supply.
In October 2016, 19 doctors
planned to shake the earth. They formed
an alliance and got started to take part in the Medical Subsector Election of
the Election Committee. They formulated
a seemingly unrealistic goal of getting all 19 members into the Election
Committee. They vowed to change the
Chief Executive and to change the system of election of the Chief Executive and
Members of the Legislative Council. Their
causes were shared by pro-democratics of other subsectors. There was actually a bigger alliance which
aimed at getting more than 300 votes in the Chief Executive election. At the same time, there was a shared common
platform among the majority of all candidates for the election: the Chief
Executive had to be changed.
Then, at 3:30pm December 9, 2016,
the earth stopped spinning for a fraction of a split second. While Hong Kong people were gloomy about their
fate, the Chief Executive, CY, announced that he would not go for another 5
years. Before those guys started to
jump, their mere gathering had shown power. Statistics clearly showed that the coming Election
Committee would not favor the present Chief Executive to continue his heroic
acts. CY got his red light.
I felt the earth shaking on
December 12, 2016 when the results of the Election Committee were announced. All the 19 doctors were elected. And they were not alone. Whole cabinets were elected in many other
subsectors for the bigger alliance. Having
the whole cabinet elected was quite historical in elections of the medical
profession. The 19 doctors were
different in weight. Their abilities to
jump differed. They even did not
synchronize to start jumping. However,
most importantly, they were able to land together perfectly and delivered their
unified force. They had clear and
admirable causes. They had strategies,
energy and discipline to execute. Voters
were moved by their enthusiasm. All the
members got similar number of over 3000 votes. This clearly reflected that voters supported
the team as a whole.
At the same time, when they
landed, they delivered a unified and resonating voice. It was clearly heard.
They really shook the earth!
(Source: HKMA News December 2016)
2016年10月8日 星期六
The election of the Election Committee for the election of the CE
“The election of the Election
Committee for the election of the Chief Executive” is such a clumsy heading. But it well reflects the indirect way of the
election of our CE. The 2016 Election Committee subsector elections will be held on
December 11, 2016. The Election Committee will consist
of 1200 members,
with 1,044 members elected from 35 subsectors, 60
members nominated by the Religious subsector and 96 ex officio members. The function of the Election Committee is to
elect the CE. Thus it is natural that it
precedes the election of the CE, which will be held on March 26, 2017. While we read hints and moves about who is
going for the CE, there has been news about people announcing how they would cast
their votes as to-be-members of the to-be-formed Election Committee, and
strategies about getting as many members with similar stance elected in the
sub-sector elections as possible.
Before 2012, people tended not to
view the Election Committee as something with vast difference from a rubber
stamp. Afterall, it might not be
practical to choose Alan LEONG against Donald TSANG. There was no real competition between the
pro-establishment and the pan-democratic camps, or among the pro-establishment
camp. The highest aim of the minority
was to put up a debate, or to have a chance to vote. However, in 2012, with 3 candidates
participating in the CE election, 689 members voted for a change to Hong Kong. We then faced changes in Hong Kong.
Since then, people figured that
apart from showing that they were famous, popular, and patriotic; apart from
having chances to publicize their political stances; apart from various reasons
of pride and prejudice; there existed a chance that they might actually take
part in electing the CE by being elected into the Election Committee. So this year, you would expect more escalated competition
in the election of the Election Committee. In the Medical subsector, we have 30 seats. Do not underestimate our influence on the
result of CE election to be 30/1200. It
should be 30/601, which is not an insignificant proportion. This had been demonstrated in 2012 when quite
a number of votes from the Medical subsector fell to our existing CE.
For a minority of doctors and
dentists, they take part as candidates and need to think about how to be
elected into the Election Committee. For
the majority of doctors and dentists, they need instead to think about how to
choose members to represent them. For a
significant number of doctors and dentists, they do not care. In the previous few elections, 3 strategies
had been adopted by the candidates. However,
in this year’s election, there appears one common platform among all
subsectors. Focus of the media also
converges on a single question: whether you sell ABC or not. In case some readers are staying too far away
from news and politics (and Hong Kong), ABC is the short form for “anyone but
CY”. Of course this is not a good
criterion for choosing the CE of Hong Kong, as not a single area on policy is
mentioned. It only shows how desperate
the candidates and the media perceive Hong Kong people are.
The tradition way to get support from
voters is to tell them how reliable you are. You are honest, rational, experienced and wise
to make a choice for them. No one knows
how and how well this since-ancient strategy works. In election of the Election Committee, voters
choose to believe in an agent so he can choose a CE of whom they are not able
to choose to believe in.
Another common practice is to get
affiliated with groups. It can be
political camps or whatever. It is
believed that voters tend to vote orchestrated. Of course the other side of the coin is that
your affiliation might actually be a negative asset.
The third way is to make
promises. The most obvious example this
year is the slogan ABC. The candidate
promises that he would never vote for CY no matter who else takes part in the
CE election. The message is clear and
non-ambiguous. However, it is common
practice for politicians to eat their words. Even such straight-forward ABC promise cannot
be whole-heartedly relied upon. The
actual voting is by secret ballot. We
still do not know exactly where the 689 votes came from; we cannot guarantee
that candidates will cash their ABC promise. Somehow, that goes back to point number one
about integrity.
A huge promise was made in 2012
by an alliance of candidates (the Alliance) formed with perceived relations
with the HKMA. The promise they made was
that they would cast their votes, if elected, to the CE candidate according to
the result of a survey carried out by the HKMA. It was claimed that all doctors and dentists
had their say. The design was likened to
a subsector universal suffrage. The
beauty of the design was that the Alliance made use of all 3 aforementioned
methods to attract votes. Candidates of
the Alliance were mostly well-known to the profession. They had the affiliation
to the HKMA. And they made a promise, an
attractive promise.
It turned out that not everyone
voted for the Alliance. Although most of
the candidates were famous, they lost their personal charisma of decision
making, as they had to vote according to the survey result. It did not matter who the candidates were,
because they would just vote accordingly. Another point was that not everyone wanted the
majority win. Some just wanted to win,
the others wanted to be the majority. A
surer way of getting your favorite CE candidate winning was to vote for those
who promised to support him. What the
majority of the medical profession thought was not their priority.
There was no way to quantify how
well the idea of subsector universal suffrage was received. However, before we commented on the results of
clinical studies, we were taught to look at the designs and procedures. Technically, the HKMA had never been a
professional body in carrying out polls. In the yearly election of the HKMA Council, a
third party (an accountant) was involved to ensure more fairness. However, no such mechanism had been used in surveys.
The process was by no means comparable
to the stringent requirements in formal polling carried out by the government. Had voters’ information, especially mailing
addresses, been updated? Was notice
formal with enough coverage and time? Was
the process of survey fair and transparent? It would be hypocritical to say that one could
rely on a fax machine assessable to any staff in the office with no mechanism
to verify the authenticity of the questionnaires returned. But of course the HKMA was not to blame. Afterall the HKMA was just doing a survey, a
survey no different from other surveys that it carried out year-round. The HKMA would not know that there might be other
parties using the survey results for other purposes. At the same time, the Alliance was relying on a
survey result of the biggest organization in the profession. There was no way the Alliance could have intervene
the process or the results. The best was
said to have been done.
Having analysed all these,
readers do not take me wrong that I am against any party making any promise to solicit
votes. Some promises are better than
none. We are not the aged waiting for
tourist buses to lift us to stamp after an average quality full meal. I just want to remind you that we know critical
analysis. Look before you vote, although
there is always the insurmountable uncertainty of secret ballots.
Nowadays, you just can’t believe
in anyone.
(Source: HKMA News October 2016)
2016年9月26日 星期一
Voting
Congratulations to the Hon. Dr.
Pierre CHAN!
If election is interesting,
election by voting is more interesting.
September 4, early in the
morning, I went to cast my 2 votes for the Legco election. I was again allocated to the polling station at
the Hong Kong Park. It was not a very
much user friendly station. Actually
there were few residential blocks nearby. So it was not in actual vicinity of walking
distance. It was quite far away from the
MTR Admiralty station, though people were not expected to take public transport
before they could vote. There were a few
metered parking spaces. But the design
of the road created a bottle-neck area leading to the peak tram station and a
taxi station. So there were always taxis
and tourist buses going in and out. That
was the reason why I drove there early morning. In previous years, I could secure a parking
space if I was early enough. Voting in
the afternoon or evening would be more difficult. This year, there were many cars there already
before 9 am. My prediction that there
would be a new record for the number of voters turned out to be correct just
from my simple observation.
I waited and waited. Then I could park my car at the curb with
minimal obstruction to other traffic. Those
behind me were not as lucky. One of the
many police officers wandering around immediately came to me and asked why I
parked my car illegally-by-definition there. I told him: “I have to cast my vote.” I left without caring what he was going to do
to my car, or to me when I returned. I
reminded my friends to plan how they were going to the polling stations by
describing my experience. They teased me
whether I had asked if the police officer knew who I was. That was quite an infamous quote used not too
rarely by famous people. I was no famous
person. But if I did say so, I would
tell the officer that I was among the most power people in Hong Kong. I am one of the citizens of Hong Kong.
To exercise my power, I had 2
votes. The vote for Functional Constituency
Election was simple. I got one vote, and
there was only one seat. No matter how
many candidates there were, I needed only to choose the one whom I wanted to
represent me. The majority won. However, the vote for Geographical
Constituency Election was not as simple. I got only one vote, but there were a total of
35 candidates assorted in 13 lists. And
there were 6 seats. The dynamic behind
was very complicated. By no means I
could choose my favorite 6 candidates to fill the 6 seats. I would then worry that if all my friends
shared my view and chose the same candidate as mine, the other 5 seats might go
to those candidates we wanted least to represent us. Our second and third choices might receive 0
vote in extreme cases. A natural
tendency would be to evenly distribute votes among friends and family members to
the 6 candidates of our choice, or at least to focus on 2 to 3 candidates
instead of one. Then how about other
votes who shared similar beliefs but did not know each other? Could there be a common platform where people
could refer to and vote smartly? This
year, the ThunderGo arose out of such demands. This was an ultra-complicated system to
allocate votes. Many, candidates and
voters alike, blamed the plan as lacking transparency and making things worse. I wonder there was any way to evaluate or
ascertain the usefulness of the system, as there was no way to know what the
results would have been without the system in play.
The ThunderGo was new, but large
scale vote allocation was nothing new. Many
people treated it as a fact that there existed one or more strong organizations
that could master the results of elections. It was not enough to move voters, they could
orchestrate voters. They were experts in
planning and executing vote allocations. It is the norm in some developing countries to
orchestrate voting. Farmers, elderly and
less educated people are mass-transported to polling centers to fit in the
jigsaws. In Hong Kong, the conductor was
in superb advantage in the District Council (Second) Functional Constituency
Election where 2 million voters were going to elect 5 members with one vote
from each voter. Theoretically, the
results of elections should be easily fixed with high confidence interval. However, election results were as unpredictable
as the stock market. Even with the power
of a wealthy country and acting-out-of-the-box interventions, manipulation of
the stock market was as good as coaching a bad lover.
This year, the Legco Election
result was unpredictable to me. And I
wondered if there was anyone who could foresee it. If the mastermind behind was so powerful and
resourceful, why couldn’t it halo all the candidates it blessed? Some blamed the ThunderGo. Some gave credit to CY. The controversial disqualification of 6 potential
candidates by the Electoral Affairs Commission might add fuel to the opposite
camp. Whether the dropout of a near-zero-support
candidate served as a straw could be a good research subject. The final day strategic dropout of 5
pro-democratic candidates was surly significant, especially for the District
Council (Second) Functional Constituency. But on the other “hand”, there were trucks
loaded with loyal voters. Employers and
employees of large companies were mobilized. Even civil servants were given hearty
reminders of how to vote. Government
officials appeared on TV repeatedly and stated their opinions of how to vote,
not unlike speculators of the stock market.
This was a beautiful
demonstration of gestaltism. The whole
had a reality of its own. I guessed the
aforementioned factors did affect the result. But butterfly effect was more important. Hong Kong played Chuck Close and painted an
interesting picture with each citizen, voters and non-voters inclusive. It was a question of chicken and egg, that
whether a city deserved bad rulers when citizen so chose not to vote, or to be
truck-loaded to vote. But you never knew
whether our oldies were wise enough to ignore the numbers written on their
palms, and exercised their free wills.
People usually refer to these as
collective wisdom. I like the term
collective karma more.
(Source: HKMA News September 2016)
2016年8月26日 星期五
Elections
I like elections.
Don’t take me wrong. I do not like to take part in elections. I just like to watch elections. There is nothing funning about this. It is just like many football fans who have
never run in a football field, or even have never kick a real football.
I am particularly interested in
elections of the medical profession. This
interest was cultivated when I worked as an MO the first few days. I was approached by my senior with an entry
form for the HKMA and then a ballot paper to vote for him for the position as
an office bearer (I remember what post, but I am not going to disclose here). It was only after 2 months that I realized I
had to pay an entry fee for becoming a HKMA member. The department secretary told me and chased me
for the payment that had been advanced. Then
I came across several books from Jeffrey Archer on election of Members of
Parliament of the UK. They were not
political analyses, but were stories on how the characters ran for the
elections and the strategies and tricks behind. Of course these were Jeffery Archer and were
over-simplified and far-fetched as usual. But they were interesting.
To go for an election is to win
in the election, you might think. But
there is only one winner, or a fixed number of winners, for a particular
election. There ought to be other
reasons behind some of the candidates. Some
might run to get more public exposure, and at the same time to gain some
experience, so as to prepare for the next round. Some might act as spoilers, either with or
without insights. So basically you can
safely conclude that candidates are for winning, for themselves or for others;
now or in the future; in the elections concerned or in other arenas.
The straight-forward way to win
is to get more votes. This has been
achieved via different ways: radiating your personal charisma, standing firm on
your visions and views, making bare promises, beating your opponents in public
debates, telling every voters that they are right, providing tangible or
intangible benefits (or both), appearing with your spouse; and strangely,
organizing campaign concerts with pop stars and much shouting and screaming. A more straight-forward way to some is to
minimize votes to opponents. Some might
pray for bad weather on voting days so that not-so-die-hard fans of their
opponents would stay at home. Smearing
is quite effective. Scandals work
better. Planting spoilers is another tradition
way. In small area elections, like
District Council Elections where voters are in the range of 1000, it is
reported in newspaper that spoilers can be inexpensive costing only $100,000
each. Of course spoilers can be free of
charge provided that they can be convinced of being supported and having the
chance to win.
A surer way to win is to
eliminate your opponents. In some
I-don’t-know-more-or-less civilized places, this is achieved by physically
eliminating them with bullets. In Hong
Kong, it seems that scandals, or better named them “black materials”, work
better. Recently, a new move was
introduced. The original plan was to ask
potential candidates of the September Legislative Council Elections to sign a
new form, a supplement to the standard declaration, to acknowledge three parts
of the Basic Law that state Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China. This move highlighted that a relatively new
ideology of “Hong Kong Independence” is against the Basic Law. It turned out that a potential candidate,
LEUNG Tin Kei, did sign the form and declared that he would abide by the Basic
Law. However, he was still disqualified
by the returning officer.
While it will be the court to
decide whether such disqualification is legitimate if there is a election
petition, I cannot stop myself from forming college-standard common-sense
opinions. First, I disagree with many
and think that the returning officer did have the power to disqualify a
candidate. Therefore there is no place
for seeking of Basic Law interpretation. The rules are clear. The returning officer has the power. However, it is how the power was exercised
that matters. The returning officer
needed to justify her act and that the justification should satisfy logic and
common sense. I can think of a
not-very-good example. An officer of the
Airport Security Unit can prevent a person from entering the airport, no matter
what that person declares, if he is of the opinion that the person might pose a
threat to the safety of the airport. Whether
the officer has abused his power is upon his justification. The burden of proof is on him. Of course LEUNG was not said to endanger the
Legco. He was decided not meeting the requirements
to be a candidate. But as a result, he
did miss his plane.
So it is up to the returning
officer to justify herself. Relevant
considerations would include: How diligent had she collected and processed
information on LEUNG? Had she taken a
deposition from LEUNG? Had LEUNG been
given a chance to defend himself? What
further action could LEUNG take if he were given a second chance, provided that
he had signed the additional form and made declarations? What if LEUNG had really given up his original
ideology? When would he be eligible
again? Taken the serious consequences in
mind (that LEUNG would miss the chance for election and that there might be an
election petition), how sure was the returning officer that LEUNG had not
genuinely changed his stance? What
standard of proof should apply? Should
she be sure beyond reasonable doubt, or she could base her decision on a
balance of probability?
Elections are interesting,
provided that you are not taking part in them, particularly that you are not
barred from taking part in them. And, they
are interesting provided that you can detach yourself from consideration of any
consequence of the elections. Just don’t
think about: What next?
(Source: HKMA News August 2016)
2016年7月26日 星期二
回顧
忽然想用中文寫一篇編者的話,因為在我來說,中文比較能夠表達感情。對,今期不說道理,也不說鬧得沸沸揚揚的醫委會改革。道理說盡,口水用乾,其業難擋。不如講我做了八年主編的感受。
挑戰
這八年裡,多得大家包容,並沒有出什麼大亂子。雖然有些題材敏感,表達個人意見也頗直接,可沒有受到投訴,更沒有收過律師信。
剛接手時,倒是因為有會員投稿論壇,內容涉及立法會選舉,被人告到廉署。我這個主編就要協助調查。我恃著丁點法律知識,也不跟隨其他會董請醫學會聘用律師。我自己就膽粗粗反盤問那盤問我的調查員,為什麼不先作警戒就誘使我回答可能令自己負上法律後果的問題。之後,拳腳來往幾個回合,就不了了之。
另一項挑戰,是舊年有一位會董忽發奇想,要求將中聯辦加入會訊的傳閱名單。大家都認為問題不大,持的理由是光明磊落,寫得出唔怕人睇。我,當然唔怕。我亦相信會員亦不怕。不過,需知道會訊註明是內部傳閱,內裡還有意思。我們不介意就會訊內容與會員作討論,亦歡近提出指正和批評。但假如任何一位業外人士,也可以名正言順公開指導,我可回應不了這許多的回應。
最後,費盡唇舌,大家有些明白,有些不明白。有些同意,有些不同意。但得以維持現狀。
目標
當年接任主編,為會訊定下目標,要作為橋樑,為會董會與會員之間提供方便和快捷的雙向溝通。還有,站在橋上,可使人以新的角度看事物。其實,沒有說出口,是橋往往是一處地方的地標,像金門橋、像倫敦橋。希望大眾提及醫學會,都能想到有會訊這本月刊。
改變
一本刊物,內容最重要,但當然還有共他細節。希望大家留意到,會訊現時每個月 23 至 25 號準時送到大家手中。紙張和印刷質素也有改善。但近年物價飛漲,郵費亦有增加。現時在嚴控開支下,每月成本約 10萬元。好消息是這 8 年裡,從未虧本,你需醫學會補貼之餘,每年還可以有 100 萬進賬。
維持收入靠廣告。但廣告收入絕對不是辦會訊目的。所以會訊宗旨、論調和方向,亦絕不會被會否影響廣告收入而左右。本著這個原則,會訊加入幾個「吸睛」版面,包括最初的訪問專欄,大家還記得剛上任的梁家騮、醫學生、選委事件、雨傘運動等訪問嗎?之後訪問換上了Lai Eve 寫的「醫食住行」,主題是講飲食,因為飲食稿從來受讀者和廣告商歡迎。至於以飲食來寫愛情、寫世情,那是意外變穫。另外,攝影會會員提供的靚相取代了會董出席活動的照片。還有,多謝幾位會員定期提供旅遊雜文,亦是大家的至愛。
不變
人事變,世事變,有時甚至變化到難以想像局面。不過,相信要維持會訊的方向和宗旨,未必很難。是看編者和讀者認為有沒有這個需要吧?
(Source: HKMA News July 2016)
2016年6月26日 星期日
The Tetralemma of Doing and Talking
Doctors need to provide options
to patients before we treat them. It was
the ratio decidendi of the Montgomery case. I always wonder, how comprehensive should the
list of options be? Of course we need to
explain options that are effective and evidence-based. However, there are forever the
so-called-experts’ difficult-to-measure alternative treatments and state-of-art
novel advances. Is it our duty to
mention such options? Don’t forget that
there should be an option of conservative treatment, which literally includes “no
treatment”. This is in contrast to the
famous quote that “Quitting is not an option.” So it is important to think out of the box. Smart people always do that. And sometimes they physically go out of the boxes.
You know what I mean.
Many a time, patients are in
difficult positions when they need to make the decision of to treat or not to
treat. It is equally difficult for doctors
to help them to make the informed choices. This is called a dilemma. Neither of the two possibilities offered is unambiguously
preferable. In Greek, dilemma means
double proposition. In Buddhist
teachings, there is a kind of logic called tetralemma. It does not carry the hint of negative sense
of dilemma. It just denotes the four possibilities
of an event. Thus “tetra” and “lemma”. Let the event be “A”, then the four possibilities
are: “A”; “non-A”; “both A and non-A”; “neither A nor non-A”. This is in contrast to the traditional Three
Laws of Thought: the Law of Identity; the Law of Non-contradiction; and the Law
of Excluded Middle. However, tetralemma
logic is not very comprehensive to everyone and thus not really useful.
I am going into tetralemma. It is just that while I am watching news, I
think of an interesting set of four combinations. It is about “doing” and “talking about”. As we all know, for some kinds of things, we
can only talk about them but not really put them into action. Actually there are four combinations. “Can talk about and can do”; “Cannot talk
about but can do”; “Can talk about but cannot do”; “Cannot talk about and
cannot do”. It is interesting (sorry, I
can only think of “interesting” as the description) to use this set of four to
look at different events. For example,
about privileges, it all depends on how powerful you are. Some can only talk about it; some can only do
it but need to keep their mouths shut. And
of course there are always a few who can enjoy privileges while showing off to
others. Another example, the hot but
forbidden topic of dependence. Previously,
it was generally understood that this was a topic that could be talked about
but could not be actualized. A few
thought that it could be propagandized and acted upon. However, now it is proposed that such topic is
illegal even to talk about.
Life is not simple. While we were students, professors repeatedly taught
“one man one disease”. This means that
when a patient has several symptoms and signs, we cannot explain them by saying
that the patient is suffering from more than one disease. We have to think hard to find one condition
that can explain all the findings. However,
when we become doctors, every day we see patients suffering from more than one
disease. We have to apply a different
set, or in fact different sets, of upgraded and complicated logic to make a diagnosis
of whether there is one disease to explain all, two different diseases in play,
more diseases, or even normal variations. This is also the case for tetralemma. Apart from the “A”; “Non-A”; “Both A and non-A”;
“Neither A nor non-A”; Nagarjuna, a famous Buddhist philosopher, came up with
another set of four to the original one. They are: “Not-A”; “Non-not-A”; “Both not-A
and non-not-A”; “Neither not-A nor non-not-A”. He found out that there was something that
belonged to none of these eight groups. That
was his famous Eight Negations.
I am not a great thinker. But to enrich my set of four, I add some
by-standers. Take the example of
enjoying privileges again. While someone
is able to enjoy some privileges and talk about it matter-of-factly, others of
course cannot enjoy the same. More than
that, they are not allowed to talk about this unfair situation. There are altogether sixteen combinations. I woon’t list them all out here. Some of them look absurd. However, apart from being complicated, life is
sometime absurd. What you always believe
and enjoy might no longer exist when there is a change in space or time.
Both Tetralemma and the Eight
Negations originated from Buddhism. My
sixteen combinations of doing and talking about came about with the
aforementioned two. Thus, they all share
the same characteristics of Buddhist teachings. You have to get the meanings and feelings of
them by cultivation of your own wisdom. I
cannot explain further.
(Source: HKMA News June 2016)
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